Suchergebnisse

This is the second of two volumes examining some "original features" of late medieval Italy compared to the european reality of the time (the first volume of this collection was edited by Francesco Salvestrini). On this subject, two conferences have been held, whose proceedings have been published. The first conference, held in October 2000, tried to offer an account, in an introductory section, of the long-term environmental frameworks within which the path of Italian society is inscribed: the rural landscape and the framework of urban settlements, without forgetting, in one and in the another case, the legacy of the Roman world. The second conference, on the other hand - held in the autumn of 2002 - aimed to consider aspects of the history of culture and political ideologies, mentality, religious life, but also the history of techniques.

ITALIANO: Il contributo si sofferma sulla qualità e gli effetti del dominio naturale, tratteggiati da Pietro Filargo nel suo discorso per l'incoronazione di Gian Galeazzo Visconti (1395). Naturale è il dominio del principe appartenente allo stesso popolo su cui governa, che esercita un'autorità modellata su quella del padre sui figli e ama i sudditi che nutre. Tale principe provvede quindi ad abbellire la città, a tutelare gli iura civilia e via dicendo. Al di là di una rilettura della Politica aristotelica pesantemente orientata dal contesto lombardo, affiorano da questo testo elementi della circolazione di nuovi modelli politici nell'Europa di fine Trecento. / ENGLISH: The paper focuses on the properties of the natural dominion, traced by Phillarges in his speech on Gian Galeazzo Visconti's coronation day (1395). The rule of the compatriot prince who exercises his authority such like a father over the children and loves the subjects he nurses, is natural. This prince embellishes the city, safeguards iura civilia and so on. Apart from a reinterpretation of the Aristotelian Politics heavily conditioned by the Lombard context, the speech contains more general reflections about the circulation of new political models in late fourteenth-century Europe.

The paper focuses on the properties of the natural dominion, traced by Phillarges in his speech on Gian Galeazzo Visconti's coronation day (1395). The rule of the compatriot prince who exercises his authority such like a father over the children and loves the subjects he nurses, is natural. This prince embellishes the city, safeguards iura civilia and so on. Apart from a reinterpretation of the Aristotelian Politics heavily conditioned by the Lombard context, the speech contains more general reflections about the circulation of new political models in late fourteenth-century Europe. ; Il contributo si sofferma sulla qualità e gli effetti del dominio naturale, tratteggiati da Pietro Filargo nel suo discorso per l'incoronazione di Gian Galeazzo Visconti (1395). Naturale è il dominio del principe appartenente allo stesso popolo su cui governa, che esercita un'autorità modellata su quella del padre sui figli e ama i sudditi che nutre. Tale principe provvede quindi ad abbellire la città, a tutelare gli iura civilia e via dicendo. Al di là di una rilettura della Politica aristotelica pesantemente orientata dal contesto lombardo, affiorano da questo testo elementi della circolazione di nuovi modelli politici nell'Europa di fine Trecento.

ITALIANO: Prendendo spunto dalle parole degli umanisti di corte incaricati di celebrare la divisa siderea dei Visconti, mi soffermerò brevemente sulle sue origini, sulle possibili matrici culturali e sui risvolti anche politici che l'assunzione del cristologico Sol iustitiae et pacis quale simbolo ducale può implicare. / ENGLISH: The celebratory words of court humanists about the Visconti solar emblem are the starting point for a reflection about the origins, the possible cultural roots and the political consequences in particular of the use of the christological Sol iustitiae et pacis as heraldic device.

During his first months in Italy Henry VII acts now as rex pacificus, chosen by the communities as peace's guarantor, now as emperor-judge, fully conscious of being selected from God's will, now as a compliant politician, now as an authoritarian rights' holder, now as a merciful ruler, now as an inflexible one. He adjusts to different city interlocutors and contexts two unlike and opposite sovereignty's concepts, which are the outcome at times of a local collective will, at times of an unquestionable universal authority. This behaviour proves his political realism beyond his need to protect the Empire's "symbolic capital". ; Ora rex pacificus, scelto dalla collettività come garante di pace, ora imperatore giudice, investito da Dio del proprio ruolo, ora duttile politico, ora autoritario detentore di diritti, ora misericordioso, ora inflessibile, in questo suo primo anno in Italia Enrico VII concilia, a seconda degli interlocutori e dei contesti urbani di riferimento, due diverse e contrapposte concezioni della sovranità, espressione talvolta di una volontà collettiva a livello locale, talvolta di un'indiscutibile autorità universale, dimostrando realismo politico al di là della necessità di difendere il "capitale simbolico" dell'impero.

Ora rex pacificus, scelto dalla collettività come garante di pace, ora imperatore giudice, investito da Dio del proprio ruolo, ora duttile politico, ora autoritario detentore di diritti, ora misericordioso, ora inflessibile, in questo suo primo anno in Italia Enrico VII concilia, a seconda degli interlocutori e dei contesti urbani di riferimento, due diverse e contrapposte concezioni della sovranità, espressione talvolta di una volontà collettiva a livello locale, talvolta di un'indiscutibile autorità universale, dimostrando realismo politico al di là della necessità di difendere il "capitale simbolico" dell'impero.

Taking the Lombard case as a starting point, this essay reflects on the progressive transformation of the vassalage's political rule during the 15th century. Not only in the Visconti's dominion, indeed, but also in the German area, even if in very different times and ways, the princes and the landlords seemed to have the intention of making the bond with their vassals tighter, involving them in a net of personal bonds. It became progressively more and more difficult for a vassal to be only a vassal, and not also a domesticus or subditus. Within the regional state-building process, a relationship – which was still personal, but which had almost nothing to do with the individual will since it was naturally linked with his living on the land – would gradually incorporate the different fidelities that already constituted bonding element of political society. ; "Si potrebbe credere, che i due concetti 'stato territoriale' e 'feudo' siano fino a un certo grado opposti": così Ernst Klebel introduce, aprendo nel 1956 Territorialstaat und Lehen, la contraddizione a suo avviso insita nell'accostare due forme tanto diverse di organizzazione politica, quali sono quella che fonda la propria autorità su un principio astratto di ordinamento territoriale e l'altra che afferma invece la propria superiorità attraverso legami personali come quelli vassallatici. .

"Motivational geographies" in Fifteenth century Italy. The perceptions of italian geopolitical space by the main peninsular powers at the time of the Italian League (1454- 1455)Recent geopolitical studies, for example by Yves Lacoste, have often pointed out the theme of the "motivational geographies". How different political actors can perceive their spatial contexts (at different scale levels), and how they can conceive ideas on their own interests within them is one of the main concerns of this approach. Here, we are going to discuss some arguments over this topic, and to present some historical maps over the political geography of the Italian Peninsula at mid Quattrocento.In particular, on the base of some Fifteenth Century sources – the declarationes colligatorum, adhaeretentium et recommendatorum, produced by the major Italian powers around 1450 – we'll illustrate the complexity of the Italian political geography of that time. Furthermore we'll show some maps on the different representations of that context by the principal actors in play (such as the Republic of Venice, the duke of Milan, the king of Naples, and so on). We'll see, for example, what they thoughtabout their spheres of influences, and what they projected about that space. The confrontation between those different "motivational geographies" will lead us to seize the different strategies of those actors and the sense of their political behaviour."Géographies motivationnellesˮ dans l'Italie du XVe siècle. Les perceptions de l'espace politique italien par les principales puissance de la Péninsule à l'époque des traités de la Ligue Italique (1454-1455)Des études géopolitiques récents, tels, par exemple, que ceux d'Yves Lacoste, ont souvent souligné le thème des "géographies motivationnelles". Comment de différents acteurs politiques peuvent-ils percevoir leurs contextes spatiaux (à différents niveaux d'échelle)? Et comment peuvent-ils concevoir des idées sur leurs propres intérêts parrapport aux espaces? Voici quelques-unes des principales préoccupations de ce type d'approche. Ici, nous allons discuter de certains arguments sur ce sujet, et de présenter des cartes historiques sur la géographie politique de la péninsule italienne à mi Quattrocento. En particulier, sur la base de certaines sources XVe siècle – les declarationes colligatorum, adhaeretentium et recommendatorum, mises en place par les majeurespuissances italiennes vers 1450 – on tente d'illustrer la complexité de la géographie politique italienne de l'époque. Quelques exemples d'ordre cartographique nous permettront enfin d'illustrer de différentes représentations de ce contexte par les principaux acteurs du jeu (comme la République de Venise, le duc de Milan, le roi de Naples, etc.). On verra, par exemple, ce qu'ils pensaient de leur sphère d'influence, et ce qu'ils projetaient à propos de cet espace. La confrontation entre ces différenteszones géographiques "motivationnelles" nous conduira à saisir les différentes stratégies des acteurs et le sens de leur comportement politique.

The domination of Filippo Maria Visconti in Lombardy (1412-1447) was the result of an attempt, only partially successful, to recompose the vast territories already dominated by the first duke, Giangaleazzo Visconti. For thirty-five years, the third duke of Milan governed a large, rich and prosperous state, strengthened its institutions, cultivated high monarchical ambitions and proclaimed ideas of peace, concord and justice. The use of force and diplomacy and the close confrontation with the political, social and economic actors of the domain were the tools adopted to strengthen and consolidate the ducal domination. The authors of this volume illustrate the political models underlying the exercise of the duke's authority, the ways of establishing relationships between authorities and subjects, the construction of the symbolic and ideological apparatus, the artistic commission of the prince, ecclesiastical politics and the religious events of the duchy against the background of the councils of Constance and Basel. Some specific moments of ducal politics are also analyzed: the deeds of dedication of 1412, the geopolitical set established in 1435 after the victory of Ponza, the crisis of the last years of the duchy characterized by the ruthless execution of the government practices. Ultimately, the book aims to offer a more in-depth and problematic view of the domination of the third duke of Milan, which in its chiaroscuro turns out to be an important moment in the stabilization of the structures of the Lombard regional state.

This volume contains the proceedings of the study convention held in Milan on 11 and 12 April 2003. The objective of these study days was to address the question of the powers of lordship which were exercised in the countryside of central-northern Italy between the mid fourteenth century and the end of the fifteenth century. The discussions focused on what instruments and what foundations of legitimacy these same powers had and what was their relationship with the authority of the prince and with the ordinary citizen, on the one hand, and with the community and the homines on the other. These and various other issues thrown up by the study of feudal power are the topics which emerge in the various contributions gathered in this volume, devoted principally to the Lombardy of the Visconti and the Sforza, but also to other areas of Italy. - Il volume raccoglie gli atti del convegno di studi tenuto a Milano l'11 e 12 aprile 2003. Obiettivo di quelle giornate è stato considerare quali poteri signorili vengano esercitati nelle campagne dell'Italia centro-settentrionale tra la metà del Trecento e la fine del Quattrocento, quali strumenti, quali fondamenti di legittimità abbiano tali poteri, e in quale relazione essi si pongano con l'autorità del principe e del comune cittadino da un lato, con la comunità e gli homines dall'altro. Sono dunque questi, tra le diverse questioni che signorie e feudi presentano, i temi che emergono nei vari interventi qui riuniti, dedicati principalmente alla Lombardia visconteo-sforzesca, ma anche ad altre aree italiane.